Are colonial Kenya laws affecting business?

The real issues… [Last year 2012 article rejected by Daily Monitor – as sensitive material]

Are colonial Kenya laws affecting business?

Sam Mwaka-karama

Debatable recent events emanating from the Mombasa Port Authority actions; stepping-up port charges on cargo haulage – triggers questions as to whether Kenya’s industry protection laws that stem from ancient statutes of British colonialist legislature are the devises actually affecting economic progress in Kenya and, sending Kenyan businesses to set-up import shops in Uganda.

The run-away Kenyan companies now registering and setting-up in Uganda, need the front shops here in Kampala  and indeed Ugandan towns generally, so as to take advantage of both the EAC economic union principles and Uganda’s liberal import and export policies; they, the Kenyan companies also again take advantage of the clearly unfair and ill-formulated exchange rates between Kenya shillings and Uganda shillings (Most Ugandans ‘wa-ordinary’ have never actually understood the basis for the ill-balanced exchange rate between Uganda and Kenya).

The Kenyans utilize the (20+ to 1) money-rates advantage (on capital transfer) and utilize Uganda’s free import trade atmosphere to greater advantage over Ugandan companies…  for direct import of goods from countries like Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and other ASEA countries some of who [seem to] have no preferential trade pacts with Kenya.

The goods imported by the Kenya companies through Mombasa as transit goods to Kampala… wind-up re-exported to Kenya on new EAC tariffs [before the ‘free-tariffs’ latest terms came in force] updating customs regulations, which are principally favorable between the member states of East Africa. But more and more eventually disadvantageous to Uganda!

First of all – goods from overseas countries that have no preferential trade treaties with Kenya… eventually accepted into Kenya as re-exports by Kenya companies based in Uganda, negates the very existence of the ancient protectionist laws… if you don’t accept certain category of direct imports, why should you accept - the same - as second country re-export under EAC? 

As a result Kenya has become a rather heavy burden on our country – considering fact that all the imports paid for through Uganda’s exchange control foreign trade rates, made by Kenya companies based in Uganda, have to re-export to Kenya – nearly at zero tariff under the EAC.

In Tea Export - Kenya has imposed at the port of Mombasa for decades upon decades – a tea auction system, where Uganda’s tea has always been trapped, declared as of low quality and bought by auction to obviously be later repacked as “Blended” Kenya Tea.

Again and again - considering exchange rates that are perennially disadvantageous to Uganda against Kenya shillings – it is debatable if the economics, at the end of the day, might not work-out burdening Uganda economy instead. In practical terms, the capital markets fiscal rates and finances might look to the economists very much balanced and desperately competitive – but we Ugandans might still yawn due to sapped strength.

Even bad as the Kenya import policy is biased towards protecting the mostly British and American or European founded industries and other Investments (that might in this age and times have majority share holders from the Arab World or Asia etcetera) play a modern game by ancient rules since Central Bank of Kenya is as well still said to be largely rooted in the 1980s restrictive ‘Exchange Control’ – with very limited and actually tourism rated ‘Bureau de Change’ system still reputed to be in force.

Liberalization of exchange control

Uganda started its liberalization of the foreign exchange system way back in the early 1980s, when the ‘Obote 2’ government introduced the “window two” all bidders foreign exchange accessibility; if you wanted the (at the time) limited foreign exchange that badly, you paid more than the official rate, then termed ‘Window 1’. Some Kenyan traditionalist economists, at the time, criticized [even laughed] at Obote’s ‘window 2’ system. Whose line was never towed then by Kenya. The last three decades the Kenyans have remained rooted in the old principle – perhaps that is why Uganda shillings remain perennially disadvantaged against the Kenya shillings.

However, Obote’s ‘window 2’, became Museveni’s 1990s “Forex Bureau”. Bank of Uganda had come-up with the liberalizing policy – to move ‘window 2’ onto the streets and bazaars…

Impact of the ‘window 2’ factor was immediate way-back in the 1980s. First to benefit was Uganda Airlines, with several local travelers beefing-up its carriage to London, Bonn/Cologne, Brussels, Rome and Dubai. Ugandan traders utilizing ‘window 2’ created many businesses between those European countries and later still when Uganda Airlines opened-up the Dubai route, Ugandans boomed! Soon, a Uganda Golf team went-out and played in Dubai – Ezra Bunyenyezi, a long time renowned Travel agent owner of Uganda Travel Bureau, was billed with innovating that ground breaking Dubai golf tour, together with others including Zia Moshin, a Pakistani travel expert who was Uganda Airline representative in Dubai in the 1980s.

Museveni’s 1990s “Forex Bureau” policy that threw ‘window 2’ onto the streets, set the next phase of Uganda’s traveling trade. And there has been no looking back ever since. Uganda’s biggest problem though, has been Kenya’s internal industry protective laws… that has somehow unfairly kept Kenya’s exchange rates too high against Uganda shillings, what makes business lucrative for Kenyans based in Uganda and disadvantageous for Ugandan business men, or virtually impossible for Uganda businesses to equally flourish in Kenya – for those who might want to do business in Kenya.

For example Kenya’s products are generally more expensive in Uganda shops, than imported versions from ASEA countries – it does not make sense at that exchange rate between Uganda and Kenya shillings, to buy consumer products from Kenya sold by the trick of packaging! Like a Kenyan tooth paste tube selling at a price close to that from Indonesia or Singapore – will be smaller in size, while the packaging might look to be nearly of the same size… that is tricksterism in marketing! A tooth paste from Tanzania beats the Kenyan one in size, price and quality…

Recently Kenya’s Port Authorities have been challenged by the Kenyan importers based in Uganda who triggered that debate… otherwise those port charges rates now [which was] in debate in Kenya are killing business with the South Sudan as well and, affecting Rwanda’s businesses… one might imagine that Kenya having a much larger port should have a more friendly ports charges to the neighboring member states of the EAC, not to be seen as undermining the other members.

So that it is Uganda’s liberal import and export policies that has generally become central to the harmony of business within the region’s hub – otherwise given the uncertain status quo Kenya might have to redress much more than it might ever have imagined possible.

Kenya’s Members of Parliament are [were]said to be set to walk away with about 9Million Kenya shillings at the end of a term. That is about or a little less than 290MillionUgx equivalent - in Uganda that will buy two small three and two bedroom mansions in an estate like Akright or Kensington or even Jomayi. While in Kenya that would build not less than six three bedroom mansions…

The economics of pricing building materials in Uganda and that of Kenya are two really very different formats - Uganda economists might yet have to scratch their heads about. While the building industry is picking-up with the baby elephant strengths all over the Region, a huge bulk of the building materials originate from Kenya industries - shouldn’t Kenya now redress its colonial laws and, make life a little easier for the other neighbors also? ***

Uganda’s endless encounter with classic commission agents

Sam Mwaka-karama

To take Uganda’s economic dilemma into perspective is difficult due to land-locked implications! Mostly those who write on the various aspects and fragments of what constitute the ‘economy’, only tackle the discussions from a premise based solidly on what were the ‘norms’ of the whole matter – like, what might normally be applicable in the understanding and practices of a particular aspect of consumerism - And there are so many aspects and factors of an economy.

However, the ‘norm’ as it were might [actually] also turn-out to be what is considered practicable – in as far as ‘regulations’ and ‘guidelines’ were concerned. Critical factors might more often get construed by cosmetic analysts to mean unworkable views. Negative viewpoints or even dismissed as isolated thinking.

 In the various fields of consumerism, there is always a common denominator which in this case might be seen as commission-driven. In the more modern language deemed as ‘consultants’. The consultants are otherwise known to be commission-driven in a polished kind of way.

Yet, these more and more might actually be the driving factors that critically influence economic performances. Downwards or upwards. Simplified one might say that commission agents market their expertise on short term contracts, for a price.

In this article, I am trying to visualize as rationally and fairly as possible from outside of the [box] ethics (a white woman once commented that some of us have not experienced a [Box] of our own – so I asked – what is ‘Open Courseware?’: my experience). To sort of try and place the pointer of arguments, onto the actual problem-spots where the many-many question-marks ought to be. My theme here is critical view on ‘Classic Commission Agents’.

Classical Commission Agents  

In thinking outside the box, as it were, I would in my own words define them as [foreign] political business venture companies that commonly operate as ‘high profile’ corporate here in the third world. The classical commission agents always existed in Uganda under various names and titles or organ types.

In the 1960/70s these included trade companies fronting for the likes of ‘The Old East’ colonial founded multi-national for far East trade with East Africa or ‘The Old Mutual’ (based in Kenya) the often [cold] company that was reputed to secretly represent (then Apartheid) South Africa even in the heavily embargoed SA pre-independence years or ‘Tywensche Overseas’ the import/export company that operated under the ‘Crown Agents’ where the company enjoyed political protection status with tremendous British influence; shipping in supermarket supplies and exporting tea and coffee with questionable tax anything – if at all!

The classical commission agents were a phenomena all by themselves, in the age of ‘Multi-Nationals’ even competing with Tiny Roland’s LonRho. Actually and certainly ironically the classical commission agents in the twists and turns - exited the multi-nationals. As the World Economic Order of the 1980s and 90s were ushered-in, to be crowned by the century and millennium change over. Mercantile Trade in the third world has since shifted downwards into the hands of the myriads of the lesser even local companies. The old naturally de-functioned, while the millennium also brought about the ICT and Hi-tech to create even more complex Trans Nationals hybrid digital online companies that re-defined commission agent-ism.

The Oil Explorers

Though compared to Gabon, Uganda was [not very surprisingly] indeed, thirty plus years late to get to the point of exploiting its oil reserves – the business end mostly quagmire(ed) in dire and very blind politics – always confused by that ancient rule of the [trade] game... both Heritage and Tallow being actually white-collar  ground-breaker commission agents! To me these companies in the Oil business weren’t like Total or for that matter Shell, who are long time established oil exploration (even deep sea) and vending entities.  

Frankly stated the speculators generally and wheeler-dealers have been Uganda’s biggest problem since colonial times; being a perennial market and a most lucrative ground for financial and commodity speculation and now even oil production wheeler dealing.

Even outright big game hunters and smugglers of game trophies have curved enormous wealth in Uganda. Problem was, they, the international commission agents never left much in their wake – whenever they left Uganda.

Now Tallow’s one arbitration court case is still on in Britain [January 2013 as I wrote this article], another one has reportedly already been triggered in the USA – the revolving-door between Heritage and Tallow is classical commission agent stuff, diplomatically politicized though.

 The bottom-line is; between the two companies the take-over deal just got caught-up and entangled in the widespread tentacles of Uganda’s Direct Foreign Investment DFI and URA taxation statutes, actually the taxation cutting rather thickly into the commission...

Heller’s catch double-double! The terribly imaginative English had once upon a time designed an extra cuff and collar set out of it creating affordable executive shirts [Double Two] ‘stuffed shirts’! - So that the pinstripes and charcoal gray lawyers might sweat it out under the collar in arbitration court rooms - while the commission agents nervously wait it out.

The politicians are at each-other’s throat locally – with oil bribe money accusations - even delaying and actually postponing exploitation of the oil. It all makes no sense! Arguing over who got a bit of the revolving door money! When actually the bulk of the oil reserve is intact deep in the bowel of the Earth, waiting to be accessed, processed and sold for National Wealth and gain of individuals as well... and eventually the Ugandans at large.  

In appraising development it is often misleading to make quotation of experts in short two liner comments – explaining the ‘Norm’ of how things should be! The real life is unlike the ‘Text Book’, things often work themselves differently in reality! The ‘norm’ cannot guide you! ***

The Author is a Free Lance Writer. Book Author.

Mob: 077 7 164787 Email: mwakarama@gmail.com         

      

  

Coo-lony i Larakarama

Coo-lony i Larakaraka
George Moggi

In the stray of an eye,
the dragnet of the ample Labenu underlings
of the dancer skewed,
spreading wealth of latere
like the fisherman’s dragnet that caught
River Nile’s best tilapia.
Amuru i dog-nam, ineno Pakwack loka-ca

In the stray of an eye, igayo lamyel ki teng-wangi
The dancer gleamed with a musky oily skin,
digging her heels; now left – now right
with the drummers ullorro-bul
Scattering labenu underlings... te-pene lutaanya!
Awal o kok too-bel ki kiddi

With her thighs; now left - now right
labenu underlings of the dancer
Skewed like the dragnet of the fisherman
Spreading over the gleaming sunset
over the Nile... Amuru, ineno Pakwach loka-ca
Awal kok apyetta – bul-kok lawang dyang...
Coo-lony i larakaraka

When the tilapia danced the spinner
Round and round, again
In a spray of the ovulation of fine caviar...
Spreading wealth of latere
The dancer’s labenu underlings skewed...

As the ovulating tilapia spanned with the male a-drip...
Otigo luwaka cwer dok pig-wang – lirok-ton-tic...
Coo-lony i larakaraka –nye!

Drum-beat talks to you - Bul kok lawang dyang – Oroo dong oyec!
a wealth of hairy... ye-nya peeks-out stark and sweaty
te-pene lutaanya... tongo iri langudde – alanya!
in the stray of an eye – igayo lamyel kit teng wangi...
Coo-lony i larakaraka!

Pien ka ceng do-odonyo – Ce wek dwe dong tucci,
Langala dong rammo boo ki toyo – i dog Nile
As the sunset gleam over the Nile – at Amuru.
Coo-lony i larakaraka
***

This Millennium - is opposition still viable in Africa...?

Personal Opinion
This Millennium - is opposition still viable in Africa…?

Sam Mwaka-karama

African political opposition is slowly getting onto the think-tank chopping blocks: the questions are on the increase; how viable is this aspect of democracy anymore…? Couldn’t Africa be better-off under a unitary (intellect concentrated) and structurally all inclusive political system? What interests does opposition serve - by merely existing? Who is responsible for the maintenance costs of opposition political parties? Will opposition perennially depend on foreign and international finance benefactors? Who foots the enormous costs-bills incurred during opposition election primaries? Is an African opposition able to deliver an alternative (change) model of democracy? Significantly - what would such models be like in terms of ‘ideology and manifesto’?

Isn’t it becoming increasingly apparent that western models don’t work in Africa? Or might begin to practically falter… in the dynamics of the new Millennium?

In the socio-political curricular of most African studies, there seem to be a huge pothole in the promenade of academics here - where the identity of the African “Political Party”, is ill defined. Whatever paltry definitions often cited by anybody… are usually direct quotations from western scholars. Quotations from philosophies written based on non African society backgrounds.

Apart from directly identifying with the western concepts (almost rudimentarily), where are the more realistic definitions of the African ‘political party’?

Well, social sciences studies describe these (political party) entities in generalized terms… but, apart from (the activity of arguing in-precincts, to control incumbent excesses - where are the opposition parameters for delivering the alternative…?), traditional opposition parties like the DP - Democratic Party, CP - Conservative Party etcetera have never actually ruled in Uganda… though many of their members have participated individually in governments; taking-up jobs, where their parties won’t achieve outright…

These are some of the many-many questions likely to cramp popular debate-forums throughout African as we move forward deeper into this Millennium: truth is - as this millennium matures, what is likely to become more and more visible is the lacking of solid ideological and manifesto inputs note-worthy, that the (traditional) opposition could offer.

African political thought hasn’t as yet visualized the role of the opposition in terms of tangible framework ideas that could viably implement changes (traditionally oppositions often talk more of change - than development), and these are two different aspects of the national endeavor.; nationally we endeavor to create changes as often as possible - likewise - we endeavor to achieve developments as mile-stones for our advancement towards the greater common goals - goals that are constantly time-shifted further and further away, as we reach newer landmarks.

African political thinkers might yet have to align certain political party principle-terminologies to relevant features of political democracy in Africa (if at all there is such a thing): terms like “Democratic Party “ principles or “Republican Party” principles, “Liberal Party” principles, “Conservative Party” principles, “Labor Party” principles, largely manifest themselves as components of western world capitalism ideologies… more appropriately applicable comfortably in the developed cosmopolitan and metropolitant western countries.

While typically African political parties; “African National Congress” or “National Resistance Movement” or “Uganda People’s Congress” or “Forum for Democratic Change” or “Rwanda Patriotic Front” or “Chama Cha Mapenduzi”- (Party for Change - or - Party for Revolution) or “Kenya African National Union” etcetera, generally come across as popular indigenous African political parties conceptualized to mobilize mass-following and render legality status to the entities for the purpose of sorting-out African self rule…

The break-up of the ANC in South Africa recently, demonstrates that the African political party lacked intricate security and safety parameters in its principles: the individuals within the party leadership often become more powerful than the organization - thus ANC could break-up.

It is arguable therefore that given our large African ethnic communities, with our multiple dialects and languages, implementation of individual political party concepts of change may bear no meaning and viability - rather a singular unitary sense of direction concentrated in a political system under which the collective intellectual capacity of a given country is housed, might generate better, the principles for development of that country.

Recent political developments in Uganda have demonstrated that; much as the Ugandan people crave for multi-party system of governance, still the viability of its parliamentary practice (both at national and local government levels) are questionable… Bills in discussions often create ‘tug-of-war’ along party lines that threaten the national goal! Forcing government in certain instances to (quietly) dish-out certain (softening) benefits to parliamentarians, under various tags ranging from the official ‘constituency funds’ to others less official ones, which are often swiped-at in the media as ‘inducements’…

But then the ‘reforms in discussion’ tabled by the incumbent or petitioned by the opposition and other entities, are never-the-less, bills that once passed, have benefits for the whole country… why would inducements be necessary.

How then would opposition ‘conditionally-agitate’ so as to bring to bear on government pressures that spur the state to dish-out those said ‘inducements’… aren’t the very principles of opposition parties being flaunted?

Political party members have also (during the current campaign period) been reported to have crossed to government side - including the Kampala Mayor Nasser Seya Ntegge Ssebaggala, who was since reported to have crossed to the ruling party. A man who was at one time billed with being a possible DP presidential candidate - had there not been better options perhaps.

Similarly there have been reports in the media - alluding to the notion - that come 2011 the year of Uganda’s next general elections, UPC Presidential candidate Olara Otunnu might opt for a political deal with President Yoweri Museveni - and a vice presidential appointment is cited… in a unitary political system, a whole college of potentiates would vie in competitive ballots for that post - while in the western model the arrangement might be called a coalition; where Olara Otunnu as UPC President might come-in with an entourage of his work team - but given our African-ness, there are always clutters of obstacles - including dire personality issues.

Well, politics is often said to be also a ‘game of chance’, more so in Africa where almost nothing is for certain and, “one in hand is better than two still out there somewhere”. What are our political interests? Do we need to be loyal to a political party even if it might never offer the dynamic development we aspire for? Do we have to subscribe to opposition or any party that promises no developments? When-actually, we see realistic advances being recorded under our very noses by the incumbent? Critically, what do we politically want… if not development - the question of leadership is participatory. And the question of leadership change becomes purely constitutional… if the nitty-gritty were set right by parliament.

Isn’t the unitary African political system then, the better developmental leadership funneling option? Where our concentrated intellect might create the better forum for the amicable arguing of our collective interests? Couldn’t an African concept of a round-table parliamentary system be an alternative to European’s (Incumbent Vs. Opposition settings) traditional parliamentary system that in Africa seem to generate nothing but negativity?

It is quite possible that had South Africa for example been a unitary political system, with a round-table conference setting parliamentary system, with perhaps a participatory lower galleria of human rights activists, the media and religious entities (in place of opposition voices in parliament), the changes that took place in ANC would not have created a break-away. The changes that broke ANC were very powerfully tribal.

This factor and the Kenyan election violence, should demonstrate to African Scholars, that a new purely African, by African political systems study, is very urgently needed.

Africans cannot hang-on to what western scholars formulated for their own democracies, and still think that these are going to work - in this new Millennium, with its new high-technology, there is a new value that has suddenly been added to Africa’s rural societies - African politics is not anymore going to be parliamentary (Us against Them), but rather (Our Common good). ****

Bring Back Choloroquine

Bring back Choloroquine
It is still the ultimate organic anti-malaria drug…

Sam Mwaka-karama

Prices of very essential drugs especially anti-malaria have soared prohibitively from what the drugs used to cost up-till 2007… following dramatic exclusion of choloroquine from the position of top-of-the-range pharmaceutical drugs that treated malaria effectively for decades since Independence.
Choloroquine as the only authentic organic treatment-drug against malaria could not have suddenly gone so bad as to not be able to cure malaria it has been curing for decades…
This argument and debate (that either the drug had weakened or malaria had become overly resistant to the drug) was discovered and created by enemies of Africa, those who wanted to substitute this drug with untrustworthy ineffective versions; suggesting that choloroquine had suddenly weakened to a point it cured malaria no more - this is not true… the professionals have to retract - and make better here.
The other reason for side-lining choloroquine in Uganda is due to its supposed powerful side effect - ultimately associated to causes of blindness. (Adverse effect - Wikipedia - states; “At the doses used for prevention of malaria, side effects include gastrointestinal problems such as stomach aches, (uncomfortable) body itch, headaches and blurred vision”. This dose (besides the side-effect) is standard oral prescription, and still works.
Nothing is wrong with Choloroquine (the organic) original….
The dose Wikipedia talks about is standard oral treatment; (12 tablets @ 4-4-2-2, with piriton or antezine - for the itching) - here what the professionals should be talking about is the person to person discipline; to take this dose at the correct time-setting (every six hours with full meal) to avoid lowering of blood pressure and to engage the enzymes at work by constant digestion of the food and juices taken. Observe this and the organic choloroquine will not fail you… (I will tell you straight though, that out of 100 people, up to 80 will not take the drug in that correct time-setting, with meals and juices - and 10 won’t touch it for fear of side effect, those 10 will be carried on the stretcher to the emergency ward… and the last 10, are the ones who have the absolute discipline.
This essentially is where things went wrong between the professionals and the people for whom they are qualified to practice… treatment of malaria needs lots of (patient) personal discipline - what can only develop as a state-of-mind after thorough understanding of the ailment, the drug and the situation pre and post treatment. The professionals failed here: effect of malaria on the mind and body - effect of the mostly oral (and very personal) state of treatment - then effect of the treatment duration (roughly 48 hours from start) on the mind and body - and effect of the post treatment (roughly 60 hours from start) - Altogether a person who buys the drug from the clinic and treats himself/herself needs about 70 hours of absolute discipline and focused keenness to concentrate on absolutely completing that standard oral prescription. 80% of the sick don’t have the concentration or discipline - they break-off mid-way soon as they seem out of danger, thus failing to complete the dose prescribed… they might take the drug on empty stomach (I have no appetite) creating complications. They might drink a beer or even the hard stuff soon after taking choloroquine… the complexes are endless!
Definition of Quinine (from where comes choloroquine)… Wikipedia and Medical News - sites.
“Quinine - is a natural white crystalline alkaloid having antipyretic (fever reducing), anti- malarial, analgesic (pain killing), anti-inflammatory properties and a bitter taste. It is a stereoisomer of (guanidine) which, unlike quinine, is an anti-arrhythmic.
Though it has been synthesized in the lab by the professionals - the bark of the cinchona tree “Kina” is the only known source of quinine.
The medicinal properties of the cinchona tree were originally discovered by the Quechua Indians of Peru and Bolivia; later the Portuguese Jesuits were the first to bring cinchona to Europe…” The source of quinine is therefore naturally organic.
Introduction
1. Quinine is a natural alkaloid that has been used in medicine since the late 1700s. Known mostly for its ability to treat malaria, the drug is still popular today. Although quinine has also been used for relieving chronic leg cramps, the Food and Drug Administration has not officially approved the drug for anything other than malaria.
Malaria
2. Malaria is a disease caused by a protozoan parasite, largely spread by contact with infection-carrying mosquitoes. Once inside a person, the malaria protozoa start to break down the hemoglobin in the red blood cells into two separate substances, harem and globin. The parasite continues to grow and reproduce, breaking apart the red blood cells in the body as it multiplies. This effectively causes an outbreak of malaria.
How Quinine Works
3. Quinine works by interrupting malaria's reproductive course. To duplicate, a malaria parasite needs DNA. Quinine enters the bloodstream with the malaria parasite and binds itself to the DNA of the parasite. This blocks the parasite from reproducing itself. Once the parasite can no longer copy itself, the body can catch up, fight off the original infection and recover.
Other Ways Quinine Works
4. Quinine is also sometimes prescribed for muscle cramps. Quinine works this way by delaying the amount of time it takes for muscles to contract. With the muscle unable to contract as quickly and as often, the muscle cramp is relieved.
Side Effects
5. Quinine should not be used by those with heart issues, including irregular heartbeat, decreased function of the heart due to heart block or atrial fibrillation. Those with heart disease or a recent heart attack should not take quinine, as it may cause serious heart-related side effects. Those taking quinine may also experience a rash, kidney failure, headaches, confusion, abdominal pain and swelling of the face and lips. Additional information on side effects of quinine can be found at the link listed in Resources (linked to this page).
Researched authentic report re-validates choloroquine and, down-grades the new drugs (Fancida & Coatem).

PACIFIC ISLANDS REPORT
Pacific Islands Development Program/East-West Center
With Support From Center for Pacific Islands Studies/University of Hawai‘i

MALARIA DRUG FOUND INEFFECTIVE
Mosquito-borne disease resistant to Fancida
PORT MORESBY, Papua New Guinea (PNG Post-Courier, September 2, 2009) – Fancida, one of the drugs that is given to patients as treatment for malaria has been found in a preliminary study to have high resistance.
This was stated in a report given yesterday by Dr Celine Barnabas from PNG Institute of Medical Research at the medical symposium underway at the University of Papua New Guinea’s School of Medicine and Health Sciences.
She said this confirmed information that was known for some time that Fancida could not be given alone.
"Fancida is to be given in combination with other drugs and may be discarded one day,’’ she said, adding this would be done after more research had been done and when the Health Department had alternatives.
The finding was made from a survey that analyzed parasites carrying malaria and how they mutate, some of which related to the ineffectiveness of Fancida.
She said laboratory tools were used to look at the plasmodium vivax malaria that had been sparked recently by the description of severe cases of the disease, reemergence in different areas and reports of drug resistance.
Health Minister Sasa Zibe said he wants to see the newly-introduced anti-malarial ARCO distributed for use at the public health facilities. This drug is distributed by Borneo Pacific Pharmaceuticals Ltd and is taken as one single dose.
World Health Organisation is promoting another drug called Coatem which is taken for three days.
"I want to ask WHO to explain why they want Coatem because as compared to ARCO, you take one single dose,’’ he said.
The drug, ARCO, was launched in Port Moresby three years ago by Prime Minister Sir Michael Somare and is under clinical trials before it will be decided by the Government through the Health Ministry whether it should be accepted as one of the drugs to treat malaria.
Papua New Guinea Post-Courier: www.postcourier.com.pg/
Copyright © 2009 PNG Post-Courier. All Rights Reserved
 
Go back to Pacific Islands Report: Graphics or Text Only.  





Papua New Guinea - and the Pacific Islands have tropical experiences:
The self explanatory in-set document above is part of a greater ‘Pacific Islands Report’ released in September 2009, from the University of Papua New Guinea, School of Medicine - depicts ‘Fancida’ as a drug malarial-virus-is-resistant to.

In Uganda ‘Fancida’ is overpriced and sold in a questionable single dose (three tablets) prescription that doesn’t cure malaria.
While ‘Coatem’ on introduction nearly two years ago sold at a whooping 15,000 UGX per complete dose that has to be repeated… twice or three times.
World Health Organization - backed ‘Fancida’ and ‘Coatem’ are already a non-starter. While the original Choloroquine are still selling online… what is all these?

Africans should wake-up to the facts that, history of the choloroquine and quinine and their organic tree roots still outweigh both Fancida and Coatem, in the fight against malaria. Google search - does not come-out with search results for ‘roots of Fancida and Coatem’… A search generally does not yield satisfactory indications. This is serious considering the fact that these drugs are being highlighted as the legitimate alternative to Choloroquine. It is even more disturbing that pharmacy operators become annoyed when someone walks in asking for choloroquine…
The two WHO backed drugs may not have authentic roots. Or could they be mere “Coats”? **** (I first published this in the 'University Post' - Kampala)

Sam Mwaka-karama
Analyst/Editor
The Movement Times
Kampala - Uganda

Africa needs International aid - Africa May not need Foreign aid...

Africa needs International aid - Africa may not need Foreign aid…
Commentary on CNN’s Robert Calderisi’s critical views on foreign aid to Africa

Sam Mwaka-karama
Robert Calderisi - Special to CNN, whose critical view “why foreign aid and Africa don’t mix” published August 18, 2010. Is an analysis grossly merging-up impact of a variation of issues that emanate from over 40 years of experience in the field of ‘aid to Africa’ with a pinch of bias…
“Africa has attracted too much aid and interfering by outsiders” Robert Calderisi highlights, actually this factor negate Calderisi’s views that ‘foreign aid and Africa don’t mix’… the very reason why that is so is because of outside-interferences, which he cites in his highlight - there is always an invisible tracking and retrieval of foreign aid, once released to the coffers an African of State.
Somewhere along the line strings and loose-ends always dangle, that the interferers Robert talks about quickly pick and pull huge percentages of the aid back to foreign countries abroad, either in consultancy, or in monitoring activities, or in supervisory of the funds implementation.
At least this was so in the early days; 1970s, 80s, and parts of 1990s.
It was the creation of the group of 7 with later Russia joining to make the G8 - that put a decisive end to the (aid-draw-back) by the interferers (I must thank Robert Calderisi for mentioning this)… the parameters for aid acquisition was different then, from what it is today.
African governments of the 1970, 80s used ‘aid negotiators’ actually teams of ministry of finance officials, with perhaps that of foreign ministry, who were often sent to foreign countries with state proposals, these fellows always had to accommodate interests of the ‘interferers’, what naturally affected accountability… certain factors were always never clear! Even harder was reconciling the records were difficult in the old non-computer systems.
The time-laps in the long-run covered most accountability and record reconciliation factors. Officials often covered-up for the long-gone kickback. In Africa of those days, secrets didn’t exist - prideful aid negotiators always impressed admirers with facts and figures, when the beers got one too many - the demand for kickback were the beginning of the whole thing being chewed-up at all levels of aid implementation - what is corruption anyway?
Aid implementation of substance only started after G8’s Scotland meet that Prime Minister Tony Blair had called. Besides, it was in Scotland that the G8 did the write-off of all that earlier bad kick-back and corruption broiled aid… it is all so well for the Calderisi-s to criticize African leaders now, but the funds always got tracked and shoveled-back by the foreign ‘interferers’.
“Most African governments remain stuck in the culture of dependency or indifference” Robert Calderisi writes rather maliciously.
No African government is ‘stuck in dependency’ - there are groups of develop countries G8, Asean etcetera… who have national and group aid policies, that were not written by African governments. It is their-own foreign policies - to provide aid to Africa.
Calderisi - seem to think wrongly that African governments are constantly demanding aid from foreign countries… “Stuck in a culture of dependency…?” Such cultures don’t exist, African governments could be stuck if they ‘made demands for aid’ which is not the case at all.
Foreign aid providers act according to their (national or group) principles and policies. G8 in Scotland 2005 made one condition to African countries - to embark on structural adjustments in their countries that would carry better ‘fight against poverty’ mechanisms and allow for both Direct Foreign Investments DFI and local entrepreneur investments opportunities.
Uganda has achieved tremendously in this direction, and severally the country despite its civil strife with war in Northern Uganda for 20 years - (till about 2006) - when nearly two million people were IDP Camped - still Uganda is being cited to other African countries as a positive implementer of that Scotland G8 conditions…
Yes! Uganda could very-well be fast-tracking India, Indonesia, and even China - though from a very great distance way-back behind. But for a country that has been at war, the indicators are all there, and if the foreigners in-fluxing into the country don’t derail us with their ‘interferences’ Uganda could get there in hardly forty to fifty more years.
“After decades of aid, conditions for private savings and investment are still forbidding” I think here Robert Calderisi was being either naïve or entirely text-bookish - “private saving and Investment” what is this man talking about?
The new World Economic Order - with emergence of the Transnational, International Corporate Communications entities, International and foreign NGOs - charity implementers, in various fields including Agriculture, forestation, human rights, health etcetera, have virtually killed co-operative saving cultures (Uganda lost its Cooperative Bank and leading Commercial Bank not many years ago) Today foreign investor banks have occupied that vacated slots.
In a new world of high spending; boda-boda and commuters, airtime, internet café fees, impossible bank services-charges (that amount to robbery of depositors), DSTV, the 2GB Bluetooth-server’s monthly fee, for access to internet privately on laptop - how does anybody talk about the ‘culture of private savings and investment’ too many fancy stuff conspire to take money from the private individual all the time - more serious public savings like treasury bills and bank bonds have been taken-over by huge Corporatism, banks themselves, insurances - a private small money man can’t venture there (in treasury bills) anymore.
The Economists are all wrong: banks and corporate, buying treasury bills beyond ‘basic capital requirement to start a bank or saving Corporation…’ are very intimidating!
I am not an economist but, I think if a bank formation capital begins at 50Billion UGX (example), and ‘Sam’s Bank Ltd’ six months after opening-up teller services - turns-up at the central bank with 100Billion UGX to buy treasury bills - this means the bank simply wants to multiply the depositors account savings… to me the economics is wrong, when the banks charge exorbitant services fees to the depositors at the same-time… this negate ‘saving’ since whenever transactions are made, fees charged dig into the ‘saving’.
“Imagination and Individual initiative important in promoting a better life for Africans”… Here Robert Calderisi seem to have come-in from Mars - individual initiative went with the demise of the stereotypes idea-men in Europe and the Americas, even Russia.
So what individual initiative was he talking about? The yardstick being sold to Africa is groups for everything… ‘form groups and write a proposal’ - that is the key word to prospects for development in Africa today - whether you want to dig a fish-pond, or plant trees, start a bee-keeper hives, start farming or open a tailoring shop - just form a group and write a proposal.
The individual - say - a writer, who wants to get support to buy a good laptop or PC, with which to tackle serious book projects, will never be supported because he is an individual! Some of Robert Calderisi’s remarks are surprising…
Africa is changing and the changes here are influenced not by Foreign aid, but by the dynamics of world economics and technology developments. Actually Africa may no longer need foreign aid - but Africa still needs International aid: World Bank, IMF, UN, Commonwealth, WHO ( if it can maintain positive outlook) FAO and other international and Universal systems. But dire foreign aid - Africa may no longer need that.
“The Blair Commission Report on Africa in 2005 reported that 70,000 trained professionals leave Africa every year…” Here I think Robert Calderisi rightly sees the occasion of an enormous brain-drain as it is always referred to… but his suggestion that till these guys return with their 40% savings abroad - seemingly to begin taking charge of Africa, aid providers should and “need to use aid more restrictively” is un-necessary.
The African Diaspora just like that of the Jews, Turks, Armenians, the Irish etcetera will always be out there - whether they will learn to invest back-home is I think something to do with African cultures… and I doubt that African Diaspora people will make any significant changes in Africa with their money. It isn’t easy to explain but it is cultural.
“President Obama is being criticized for increasing US contributions to the international fight against HIV/AIDS by only two percent… with the result that people in Uganda are already being turned away from clinics an - and (therefore) condemned to die… when challenged, US officials have had fairly solid answer... Uganda has recently discovered oil and gas deposits, but had gone on a shopping spree, reportedly ordering fighter planes worth US$ 300 million from Russia… Here I think Robert Calderisi shades light on an important point”.
About this, Calderisi says “An obvious solution is to focus aid on the small number of countries that are trying seriously to fight poverty and corruption”.
But then, I would say that the Americans should view HIV/AIDS as a hazardous health issue, an area that should not be misconstrued with other factors, if Uganda ordered war machinery say from China, wanting to utilize the newly found oil money, America has so many areas of causes of action against Uganda (for that) than constraining HIV/AIDS funding…
Even citing where the money for the war equipment came from and where it went... is irrelevant: Joseph Kony the LRA (of the Northern Uganda War of 20 years) is still at large somewhere between DR Congo (Garamba) and the huge rain forests of greater Central African Countries - these are causes for a country with a little money to-quickly-spend would think about and act. 40 years is a long time of aid provision, Robert Calderisi’s analysis takes a single angle from where to cast his views - ignoring the various characteristics of the operations since the 1970, 80s, 90s to date.****